The Global Refugee Compact’s Earnest Expanse
After a year of formal and informal consultations led by the UN Refugee Agency, all members but the US and Hungary endorsed the Global Compact, capping a process that began with the 2016 New York declaration during the General Assembly. It seeks “equitable and predictable” burden sharing for millions in extended displacement in low and middle-income countries, amid a growing gap between humanitarian funding and needs. The document is not legally binding but an expression of political will that builds on previous 1951 and 1967 conventions. For large movements it envisions a comprehensive response framework among governments, official and relief agencies, and the private sector through specific “support platforms” supplemented by a quadrennial forum for all signatories. The “multi-stakeholder” approach emphasizes public-private partnerships on business-financial instruments, and data and evidence collection around host communities including economic and social conditions. To this end the Urban Institute, under a US State Department contract, has compiled a dedicated site to track relationships between multinational corporations and civil society counterparts. Priorities are early warning and emergency planning, reception and registration, and protection and safety. While in place education, jobs, health, housing, energy and food requirements must be considered. For livelihoods skills and qualifications, and language and professional training, should be matched with labor market access. Readily available internet and remittance links can facilitate employment search and success, and preferential trade arrangements as between Jordan and the EU could be widely adopted after an influx. Infrastructure should focus on climate-friendly solutions in both city and camp settings, and technical capacity can come from commercial local and foreign suppliers. Voluntary repatriation to the country of origin is the preferred outcome, but with decades-long stays increasingly the norm resettlement and sponsorship programs elsewhere should be pursued even if only a small minority qualifies. Integration is the main alternative, and strategies should mirror best practices and the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. The global meetings will review progress across these agendas, with regular high-level exchanges between the events to address immediate crises and diplomatic-thematic issues.
On funding the call is to expand beyond traditional donors with the UNHCR budget running 60% behind pledges, with development lenders arriving on the scene in recent years. They should provide grants and concessional loans above the normal envelope, within the principles of country ownership and host community benefit. The World Bank’s special facility for middle-income borrowers, already tapped by Jordan and Lebanon, and the IDA- $2 billion low-income window for refugee purposes could be models, and the range of bilateral and multilateral assistance providers must better coordinate operations and planning. Regional development banks may assume leadership in the Rohingya and Venezuela emergencies, as European and African sources collaborate on that corridor, including the European Investment Bank which otherwise concentrates on infrastructure projects. This section urges private sector “maximum contributions” including through official “de-risking” products like guarantees. Job creation is paramount, but innovative technology and financial services can multiply effects. The accord recognizes that an “enabling business climate” is a precondition, and that banks and companies should join academic and research networks in offering sound economic policy advice in a mutually-reinforcing compact.