Thirty years after a popular revolt against one-party military-guided rule that may have been an Arab spring precursor, Algerians took to the streets to demand the 80-year old stricken President not seek another term and that competitive elections be held against the backdrop of long-promised political and economic reform. The late 1980s uprising led to civil war, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths and a harsh army crackdown after an Islamic party election victory was annulled. A state of emergency lasted the next two decades, until the 2011 regional protests, when the authorities also boosted social spending to quell double-digit youth unemployment with vital oil export prices still high. The state hydrocarbons monopoly Sonatrach by then had diversified with Asian partners beyond traditional European ones, with almost all foreign direct investment at less than 1% of GDP in the sector with post-independence access and ownership restrictions in local banks and industries lingering. Foreign exchange in turn has always been strictly controlled despite an active parallel market, while domestic capital market plans dating from the 1990s stalled despite a legal stock exchange launched with World Bank technical advice. President Bouteflika’s brother is also a member of the ruling clique, and business cronies benefiting from import curbs and government contracts have resisted breakaway from the National Liberation Front’s mercantilist and protectionist policies. The regime has suggested a compromise with technocrats in place until a legitimate fresh poll can be organized, but this capability has often been on display at the central bank and finance ministry while influential generals and politicians pull the strings behind the scenes.
Since the 2014 oil price decline, the economy has grown only 2-3% annually and foreign reserves halved to $95 billion, as the IMF’s 2018 Article IV report cited urgent fiscal, monetary and structural overhauls still on the back burner. The current account and budget deficits approach 10% of GDP, and inflation is projected in the 7.5% range this year, aggravated by liquidity injection from central bank borrowing. State banks are sufficiently capitalized and profitable, but the bad loan ratio is in double digits and the government is in arrears to client suppliers. Originally it was to embark on fiscal consolidation through raising fuel and electricity taxes and introduce business climate and currency hedging changes in 2019, but the agenda is off the table with the popular unrest. With public debt at 40% of GDP and constrained domestic bond markets, the Fund proposes external issuance along with modest exchange rate depreciation to address overvaluation. Interest rate subsidies should be phased out, and bankruptcy and creditor rights modernization could aid small business financing. Allowing overseas majority control in joint ventures, and more flexible and inclusive labor markets are other overdue steps. Increased Treasury bill issuance and maturity extension, and bid-ask spread introduction on the official currency market to shrink the estimated 50% parallel premium should be priorities following the central bank’s recent clarification of non-energy earnings surrender mandates. Bank supervisors are behind in beginning to implement the old Basel II rules, and lack crisis preparation and intervention blueprints. Adjustment strategy before the mass demonstrations predicted budget balance early in the next decade, but political accommodation is now the undefined feature of the larger liberation formula, the report intimates.